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Episode: Fifth Circuit Election Madness, a Post-Mortem on Roe, & the War on Drugs

Author: Crooked Media
Duration: 01:27:51

Episode Shownotes

After an emergency intro looking at the Fifth Circuit’s bonkers mail-in ballot decision, the ladies do a deep dive on two books. First, they speak with New York Times correspondents Lisa Lerer and Elizabeth Dias about The Fall of Roe: The Rise of a New America. Then, David Pozen of

Columbia Law School joins to talk about The Constitution of the War on Drugs, his book about how the war on drugs influenced the constitutional law we have today. Follow us on Instagram, Twitter, Threads, and Bluesky

Summary

In this episode of 'Strict Scrutiny,' constitutional law professors analyze the Fifth Circuit's ruling on mail-in ballots, which raises serious concerns regarding democracy and voting rights. The discussion then shifts to the anti-abortion movement and its organized efforts that led to the overturning of Roe v. Wade, emphasizing how legal changes have shaped cultural attitudes towards abortion. Lastly, David Pozen examines the constitutional implications of the war on drugs, arguing that constitutional law has often legitimized punitive drug policies while neglecting individual rights and protections.

Go to PodExtra AI's episode page (Fifth Circuit Election Madness, a Post-Mortem on Roe, & the War on Drugs) to play and view complete AI-processed content: summary, mindmap, topics, takeaways, transcript, keywords and highlights.

Full Transcript

00:00:00 Speaker_03
Hey, it's Kate. And Leah. And we're recording this conversation after our regular episode was basically already finished, because of course it was. And we do have a great episode teed up for you today.

00:00:10 Speaker_03
It's about how law changes, and we discuss two terrific books on the topic. But before we get to those conversations, we have some breaking news we need to bring to you.

00:00:19 Speaker_04
Because the Fifth Circuit fifth-circuited, by which we mean they have attempted to short-circuit our democracy.

00:00:25 Speaker_03
And we flagged the case in which they did that, RNC versus Wetzel, as a case to watch. It's a case about whether it is illegal for states to count ballots that arrive after Election Day even if those votes were cast and mailed prior to Election Day.

00:00:42 Speaker_03
Now, in 18 states and the District of Columbia, there are laws on the books that authorize state officials to count votes that come in after Election Day so long as those ballots are sent or postmarked by Election Day.

00:00:54 Speaker_04
to which the Fifth Circuit said, watch this, usher me, not for much longer.

00:00:59 Speaker_04
Because in what can only be described as an outlandish, radical opinion that would extensively refashion elections, the Fifth Circuit discovered that unbeknownst to all of us, Congress in the 1800s actually prohibited states from counting ballots that arrived after election day.

00:01:19 Speaker_04
In a true, true galaxy brain move, some geniuses, those on the Fifth Circuit, discovered that, well, actually, federal law has preempted these state laws for over 100 years. It's just nobody realized it until now.

00:01:34 Speaker_03
This is becoming a familiar theme. We and only we can actually see what everyone has always missed.

00:01:39 Speaker_04
Yes, these three judges discovered some truth embodied in these century-old statutes that had somehow, until now, eluded absolutely everyone, all of their predecessors, all officials, until they just happened upon it.

00:01:56 Speaker_04
And in order to see this universal truth, the judges had to eschew textualism. In a footnote to their opinion, they say, quote, while dictionary definitions often help us,

00:02:08 Speaker_04
our understanding of statutory text, they do not shed light on Congress's use of the word election in the 19th century. Dictionaries except if they cut against us and then no dictionaries. Exactly, exactly.

00:02:20 Speaker_03
The majesty of the rule of law. So, as Leah just described, you know, I do think that what this panel just did was but actually democracy and democracy as we know it for tens of millions of Americans.

00:02:34 Speaker_03
So the opinion is rich in irony, but we should say before we talk more about the contents of the opinion that it does seem to us

00:02:41 Speaker_03
all but certain that this opinion is not going to affect what ballots are counted in this election, the 2024 election, although going forward, it may well inject enormous destabilization into the way elections are conducted in many states.

00:02:56 Speaker_03
But as to the election, I was going to say the upcoming election, but the ongoing election in which many, many people have already voted,

00:03:03 Speaker_03
Because what the court did was finding that Mississippi's law and presumably other laws that authorize ballots to be counted after election day were preempted by federal law.

00:03:12 Speaker_03
What the Fifth Circuit did was send the case back to the district court to determine what the remedy for this violation would be. And that would include whether any injunction would go into effect.

00:03:22 Speaker_03
So the Fifth Circuit itself did not put on hold this Mississippi law. It sent the case back to the district court.

00:03:28 Speaker_04
And I think part of the reason why we're optimistic that this

00:03:32 Speaker_04
wild ruling isn't going to go into effect for the election underway is because the district court, the court to whom the Fifth Circuit sent the case back to, that court had sensibly upheld the state law.

00:03:44 Speaker_04
So this is a district court that seems to understand the whole law thing. And that makes me cautiously optimistic that they will understand that They can't just upend the rules of the election while the election is ongoing.

00:03:59 Speaker_04
You know, there is this Purcell principle that is supposed to prevent courts from switching election rules, including rules about what ballots can be counted a week or so before election day, again, while the election is ongoing. Right. You say that.

00:04:13 Speaker_03
It's just so insane that it's a conversation that has to be had, that it's even a question. But I do think, A, there's every reason to be confident that the district court is not going to inject that chaos now.

00:04:23 Speaker_03
And I understand being hesitant to make predictions around this case because it's already gone so bonkers.

00:04:28 Speaker_03
But even if we were wrong about that, I actually think even this Supreme Court would not allow the upending of election rules this close to an election. So I actually do feel pretty confident.

00:04:37 Speaker_04
I think there are a few votes, right, to do that. But yeah, maybe not five. So maybe a taste of some of the ridiculousness of this opinion.

00:04:48 Speaker_04
You know, the opinion begins in its analysis with this pronouncement of Congress's broad authority to regulate elections.

00:04:57 Speaker_00
Oh, really?

00:04:58 Speaker_04
Where was this energy in Shelby County versus Holder, you know, when Republican appointees dismantled a key provision of the Voting Rights Act? There, Congress's power not so broad, but here it is.

00:05:11 Speaker_03
Congress and Congress alone gets to decide when elections happen and if insurrectionists get to run for office. And otherwise, sovereign states are in the driver's seat. That is, in fact, the majesty of the law. So, what else is in the opinion?

00:05:24 Speaker_03
So, it offers some conceitedly absurd hypos to illustrate why ballots are only valid once received, such as, quote, what if a state changes its law to allow voters to mark their ballots and place them in a drawer? Would that be a problem?

00:05:38 Speaker_04
This is basically like Sam Alito holding up a pad of paper that is blank and asking Solicitor General Prilogar, like, is this a grocery list? Like here they're pulling up some Apple Dance TikToks and saying, is this a vote? Is this a ballot? Right?

00:05:54 Speaker_03
Imagine a law totally different from this one. Would that bother you? If yes, this one should too.

00:06:01 Speaker_04
Imagine a law in which a vote does not actually go out to anyone else. Could a state declare that the vote? I mean, come on.

00:06:09 Speaker_03
What if it just makes your thoughts a vote? Would that be a problem?

00:06:11 Speaker_04
Exactly. Exactly.

00:06:15 Speaker_03
Yeah. So they also fixate on this idea, which you had highlighted after the oral argument, Leah, of consummation. So the idea that an election has been consummated. And they insist that consummation

00:06:27 Speaker_03
which I'm trying to say with a straight face, that consummation occurs only when officials know that there are, you know, X number of ballots to count.

00:06:36 Speaker_04
there is literally a section of the opinion on consummation. And they just define consummation this way just by asserting it to be the case.

00:06:45 Speaker_04
And it makes you wonder whether ballots that are cast by election day but received after have, I don't know, maybe it could be called the potential for life or the potential of a vote.

00:06:59 Speaker_04
And states should be able to recognize the dignity and sanctity of those votes too.

00:07:03 Speaker_03
And protect them.

00:07:04 Speaker_04
And protect them, and protect them. Alas, that obviously only applies when states are trying to restrict women's health care, not expand the franchise.

00:07:15 Speaker_04
I guess another way of framing it while we're fixated on consummation and whatnot is to ask whether states could decide to permit ballots postmarked by election day to be carried to term. Is that an analogy that would have more purchase here?

00:07:27 Speaker_04
Like, no, we can't. No dropping ballots in the mail or ballot drop boxes.

00:07:32 Speaker_03
No, but what if the ballots were allowed to be dropped in a baby box? I feel like then, yeah, states could permit those votes to be counted.

00:07:40 Speaker_04
Maybe only babies can be put in drop boxes, not ballots?

00:07:43 Speaker_03
What if there's a ballot with a baby? Then maybe that ballot could count.

00:07:47 Speaker_04
This is a hypothetical that the Fifth Circuit never considered, that they clearly should have.

00:07:52 Speaker_03
I hope if the case comes back, they take this under advisement.

00:07:55 Speaker_04
Okay. Yeah. All right. So, one quick mea culpa, you know, we had flagged this case because when we saw the panel, which was three Trump appointees, Judges Ho, Oldham and Duncan, it was like, whoa, whoa, whoa, democracy, you're in danger, girl.

00:08:10 Speaker_04
And then I listened to the argument and it didn't sound like they were actually going to pull the trigger on this because you had the judges actually asking about Purcell signaling some awareness that they can't actually pull the rug out from under election rules while an election is ongoing.

00:08:27 Speaker_04
And yet it turns out my expectations were too high, right? I was too I don't know, indulgent of the Fifth Circuit, too willing to assume that they were going to act in good faith here.

00:08:40 Speaker_04
And I feel like anytime anyone suggests we're too mean to the Fifth Circuit, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, not mean enough, it turns out.

00:08:48 Speaker_03
Yeah. And this is just the rejoinder. Absolutely. So they have this crazy bottom line conclusion. They do exercise a degree of forbearance in sending the case back to the district court.

00:08:58 Speaker_04
And honestly, the fact that we're- The world's tiniest violin. Right?

00:09:03 Speaker_03
Well, I mean, like, yeah, we are being saved from the country plunging into absolute disorder around this election based on the forbearance of these chaos agents. And that is a truly terrifying place to be.

00:09:15 Speaker_03
They easily could have just decided like, no, we're going to put this into effect right away. They could have teed something up for SCOTUS that would have thrown voting into question, not just for the Fifth Circuit, but for the rest of the country.

00:09:25 Speaker_03
And, you know, it is just like the tiniest shred of I don't know what restraint that is holding this whole thing together. And, you know, two other maybe things to say.

00:09:34 Speaker_03
So, you know, they could have thrown election into chaos everywhere or even if just the Fifth Circuit. I mean, so the Fifth Circuit has Louisiana and Mississippi and Texas in it. But, you know, Texas really important state right now.

00:09:45 Speaker_03
There is an unexpectedly close Senate race in Texas.

00:09:49 Speaker_04
People are sending in ballots from Cancun and we don't know if those are going to actually be received by Election Day.

00:09:55 Speaker_03
Well, and in Texas, you can count them so long as they received the day after and so that it really could throw into question the result in that Senate race and who knows what else.

00:10:03 Speaker_03
And I actually have to wonder, so this is, you know, me being sort of unusually cynical, I guess, but I have to wonder whether the reason they are exercising this modicum of restraint.

00:10:13 Speaker_03
We've seen something of a depolarization around early voting in this cycle as compared to 2020, where in 2020, Trump ran so hard against early voting, discouraged his people from using it.

00:10:23 Speaker_03
And so then their post-election move a lot of the time was to try to get early votes thrown out because they were going to skew so heavily Democratic.

00:10:29 Speaker_03
And we have seen some shifting in that, in that voters of, you know, all stripes are taking advantage of early voting now.

00:10:36 Speaker_04
And so I wonder whether... And Republican candidates are encouraging them to do so.

00:10:39 Speaker_03
Some of them. And there are some surrogates are still expressing some doubt, but Trump has encouraged people in lots of places to vote early and lots of other Republicans on the ticket have as well. So I wonder whether...

00:10:48 Speaker_03
Part of the reason they decided to hold their fire is because they weren't totally sure what the partisan payoff would be. Actually throwing all this into question could actually hurt Republicans in some instances.

00:10:59 Speaker_03
And if it was clear the way it was in 2020 that actually putting this into effect now would really help Republicans up and down the ticket, maybe they would have just gone whole hog.

00:11:07 Speaker_04
I think that's a definite possibility, because in order to know what the true meaning of Purcell is, we need to know what outcome would favor Republicans.

00:11:17 Speaker_03
That's part of the test, obviously.

00:11:19 Speaker_04
Right, exactly. That is part of the legal test, as Steve Ladeck showed in his book, The Shadow Docket.

00:11:25 Speaker_04
So one other note that I've kind of alluded to, two of the judges in the majority here, Judge Oldham and Judge Ho, are likely Supreme Court nominees, I think, in a second Trump administration.

00:11:36 Speaker_04
And the other judge on the panel is another Trump nominee, Stanford Stormtrooper Stuart Kyle Duncan. So if you are thinking, like, should I vote in this election? Should I be participating to help others vote?

00:11:49 Speaker_04
I mean, one thing to think about is the president is going to likely pick you know, a possible Supreme Court justice or two. And again, like, this is the slate that Republicans are potentially choosing from.

00:12:05 Speaker_04
You know, the judges that, again, try to tee up, like, let's do a little, I don't know, like, election interference, stop the stealing through the courts in the midst of an election. And it's not good. And so that's one more reason.

00:12:19 Speaker_03
This is part of the choice. One more reason among many to get out there and make sure everyone you know is getting out there, too.

00:12:25 Speaker_04
Okay, so on that uplifting note, one last thing before we get into the episode. Staying on top of the news you need to know for this election year is more important and chaotic than ever.

00:12:37 Speaker_04
Luckily, the Crooked Media News team has you covered with What A Day, a fresh podcast first thing when you wake up, and a nightly recap newsletter. It's the perfect match, like pumpkin spice and fall season. Plus, our newsletter just got a refresh.

00:12:51 Speaker_04
New design, same great insights. Be prepared for this high-stakes election season. Subscribe to the What A Day podcast and newsletter at crooked.com forward slash daily.

00:13:02 Speaker_03
And now on to our regularly scheduled program.

00:13:05 Speaker_00
Mr. Chief Justice, please report. It's an old joke, but when a man argues against two beautiful ladies like this, they're going to have the last word.

00:13:25 Speaker_01
favor for my sex.

00:13:47 Speaker_08
Hello, and welcome back to Strict Scrutiny, your podcast about the Supreme Court and the legal culture that surrounds it. We're your hosts. I'm Melissa Murray. I'm Leah Lippman. And I'm Kate Shaw.

00:13:58 Speaker_08
And today we have a special two-part episode for you that is about how the law changes, and we make clear Sometimes law changes quickly, sometimes it can change incrementally over the long haul, but the real question is how and why it changes.

00:14:12 Speaker_08
So to launch that, we'll first be in conversation with Lisa Lerer and Elizabeth Diaz, who are the authors of a recent book on reproductive rights and justice, or the lack thereof. They are telling the story behind the overruling of Roe versus Wade.

00:14:25 Speaker_08
Then Kate and I will speak to Columbia Law Professor David Pozen, who's the author of a recent book on the war on drugs and how that war on drugs has influenced the constitutional law that we have today.

00:14:36 Speaker_03
So we spend a lot of time on this podcast rehashing Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the 2022 Supreme Court decision that, of course, overruled Roe v. Wade.

00:14:45 Speaker_03
And we also spend a lot of time assessing the landscape that has arisen in the wake of Dobbs.

00:14:50 Speaker_08
And it turns out we are not the only ones who are completely obsessed with Dobbs and its aftermath. Joining us today are Elizabeth Dias and Lisa Lerer. They are New York Times journalists. Elizabeth is the national religion correspondent for the Times.

00:15:05 Speaker_08
And Lisa covers the intersection of campaigns, elections, and political power. And they have combined forces and coverage for a new book, The Fall of Roe, The Rise of a New America, which is a searing account of the decades-long project

00:15:19 Speaker_08
to overrule Roe versus Wade. Elizabeth, Lisa, welcome to Strict Scrutiny.

00:15:24 Speaker_05
Thanks for having us. Thanks for having us.

00:15:27 Speaker_04
So obviously the two of you are colleagues at The Times, but you cover distinct though related beats. What's the origin story of your partnership and how you decided to collaborate on this book?

00:15:37 Speaker_07
Well, Lisa and I joined the Times around the same time in 2018 on the politics desk.

00:15:43 Speaker_07
And we were really interested in kind of covering the country and politics through culture and understanding the relationship between politics, daily life, and just how culture really informed all of these big changes we were seeing in the country.

00:16:02 Speaker_07
And we were listening to the oral arguments in Dobbs. We were on opposite sides of the country covering the case. And in the middle of the arguments, we just kind of said to each other, this is like actually happening.

00:16:17 Speaker_07
I mean, if there's anyone who thinks this might not be happening, they're in for a big surprise. So we spent the next two and a half years researching, reporting, writing. to try to answer this fundamental question of how did this big change happen?

00:16:34 Speaker_07
And with that, what kind of country, what kind of America do we have now and how did we get here?

00:16:42 Speaker_08
So you've made the case for why a post-mortem on Roe and Dobbs is so important. But one of the things that's really interesting about the book is that you don't start all the way back in 1973 with the response to Roe.

00:16:56 Speaker_08
You actually start in 2012, just 10 years before Dobbs. Why that decision to begin telling the story just 10 years ago?

00:17:06 Speaker_05
Well, look, that was a narrative and a sort of a reporting choice that we made. We felt like you could do a 50 year book. You could do a 10 year book.

00:17:15 Speaker_05
You could do a one year book and people have, and will do all those, those sort of accounts of how this really seismic change in American life happened.

00:17:25 Speaker_05
We felt like there was this 10 year arc where the pace of this whole thing really started to accelerate. And it started to accelerate as changes swept the Republican party and also changes really swept our democracy.

00:17:37 Speaker_05
And we felt Roe really showed in some ways could illuminate those changes that happened to the Republican party and raise questions about, you know, the state of American democracy.

00:17:49 Speaker_05
So we started 10 years ago because it was the moment when the anti-abortion movement told us it was their lowest point, um, in their 50 year arc of trying to take down Roe. And of course, that is right.

00:18:01 Speaker_05
When President Obama was reelected in 2013, it's when the Republican Party thought that abortion was sort of a political loser for them and was trying to move this movement that had been in plank of their party for many years, decades.

00:18:15 Speaker_05
out and push them to the sideline.

00:18:17 Speaker_05
And it's also, and this is something that people don't realize quite as much, it was the moment when white conservative Christians became a minority in America, just by a tiny bit, not by a sweeping margin, but it gave those forces who were so integral in this fight to take down Roe, the sense that they were losing their grip on America, that America was changing and it was moving away from them and their power.

00:18:42 Speaker_03
And in that focus, what did your reporting show about how this coordinated effort in the last decade or so took shape, who the key players were? What is that arc just from the most recent decade?

00:18:54 Speaker_03
Obviously there are antecedents that are much earlier, but your focus is the more recent one.

00:18:59 Speaker_07
The right actually had a very sophisticated network that was hard for many people on the outside, I think, to see along the way. But the anti-abortion movement has long been one of the most organized and persistent elements of the Republican Party.

00:19:15 Speaker_07
And they kind of developed at every level. I mean, they had grassroots organizers, they had

00:19:23 Speaker_07
lobbyists at state houses, they had state legislatures, they got judges, of course, into key positions, and they really lucked out and were surprised despite their work when former President Trump was elected because it opened up this entire new way.

00:19:39 Speaker_07
When a lot of other people were unprepared, they were very prepared. They were experts at taking every crack, every opportunity to do whatever they could in that slice to expand their options, you know, to figure out how to restrict abortion rights.

00:19:55 Speaker_07
So there was a specific plan, really, you know, days after President Trump was elected in 2016.

00:20:02 Speaker_07
We document meetings and conversations that happened at the Federalist Society's gathering in Washington and this decision by a few people that this was a moment that they could actually end Roe.

00:20:17 Speaker_07
And then we look at the network of Christian Family Policy Councils, how they worked with State Attorneys General. They did a lot of work through the Alliance Defending Freedom, a prominent conservative Christian law firm.

00:20:31 Speaker_07
you know, of course, all the way up to the Supreme Court, strategizing and really developing a litigative strategy, using legislation as a litigative strategy to leverage different circuit court regions, all the way to figure out what kind of case could they get at the court to get the result that they wanted.

00:20:50 Speaker_04
So typically, cultural change precedes legal and political changes. But as you show here, the right was able to use the legal and political landscapes to shape the culture around abortion. So could you say more about that dynamic?

00:21:05 Speaker_05
Yeah, look, I'm at my core a political reporter, right? That's what I've done for most of my career.

00:21:10 Speaker_05
And I think there's this sense with politics where the culture changes, people march, and they protest, and they reflect that change, politicians hear them, and policy changes as a result.

00:21:21 Speaker_05
And I think what the fall of Roe shows us is that sometimes, as you point out, culture changes in really different ways, that the law can be used to effectively force a change in the culture. And that's really what happened here.

00:21:33 Speaker_05
There has been majority support for some form, for Roe, or some form of federal abortion rights for decades at this point. Nobody was really, there was not a mass movement clamoring for Roe to fall. In fact,

00:21:45 Speaker_05
Generally people supported Roe, but there was a very engaged, largely conservative Christian minority who spent a long time trying to take it out. And they were able to capture the levers of legal and political power in key spots.

00:21:59 Speaker_05
Of course, at the Supreme court, the white house, but all the way down to really state houses and these sort of, um, even in some cases, city councils and be able to push through this legal change that then effectively changed the culture for the entire country.

00:22:15 Speaker_03
We've talked some about the religious conservatives and some of the organizations that were sort of key in both shifting culture and shifting law. Can we maybe just bring some other actors who are characters in your story into the picture?

00:22:27 Speaker_03
So you referenced the kind of 2010-2012 shift is this really important kind of inflection point.

00:22:33 Speaker_03
And I think that the book does a really good job of disrupting the kind of conventional wisdom around the Tea Party, which is I think that it was largely an economic movement focused on the structure and function of smaller government.

00:22:44 Speaker_03
But there is this way more nuanced story that your book tells about how critical the Tea Party was in birthing the MAGA movement and both the political and the cultural changes that toppled Roe. Do I have that basically right?

00:22:57 Speaker_05
I think we think of the anti-abortion movement as these separate actors, like happening over here. And then there's, you know, Tea Party economic conservatives.

00:23:06 Speaker_05
And now, you know, there's these MAGA conservatives who want to, you know, uh, do sort of stop the seal in these like election conspiracy theory things. In fact, these are all one movement and they're really intertwined.

00:23:18 Speaker_05
And part of what we talk about in the book is how, you know, while the Tea Party rode into power on this wave of economic dissent and pushback Um, to the sort of bailouts during, um, the Obama term.

00:23:31 Speaker_05
In fact, what they were really effective at, uh, was pushing through a whole bunch of abortion restrictions.

00:23:38 Speaker_05
And, you know, 2011 was the, it was a high watermark until we got into sort of the final years of row, you know, much, you know, decade or so later, it was a high watermark for pushing through these kinds of restrictions.

00:23:52 Speaker_05
And it really like laid the groundwork. for how those laws could continue to move forward in more dramatic ways, which of course led to the case that would end up being Dobbs.

00:24:02 Speaker_05
But in part, that was because it's much easier to pass through restrictions on abortion, particularly at a time when many people believe they were just mostly messaging bills that wouldn't have that big of an impact, because Roe was in place, than actually finding ways to cut government spending and take benefits that people like away from them.

00:24:21 Speaker_05
So those movements were really intertwined. And I think that's a really important grounding for the decade that followed and eventually for how Roe ended up being overturned.

00:24:31 Speaker_07
It is the Tea Party, but it's really, you know, we call them the Teevangelicals. And thinking about them actually as one group of people is really helpful.

00:24:40 Speaker_07
I mean, many of the people who were elected at that time were very committed conservative Christians.

00:24:46 Speaker_08
No, I think it's a terrific point that I think gets obscured in the traditional telling of this story.

00:24:52 Speaker_08
And just to continue pressing on it, Dr. Ghazaleh Mayedi, who is an abortion provider in Texas, recounted that for many years, the clinic where she practices had a regular crowd of anti-abortion protesters.

00:25:05 Speaker_08
And they were largely religious conservatives. Yet, curiously, on January 5, 2021, all the protesters were gone. And the patients at that clinic left and went in and had no problem. And the next day, January 6, 2021, the same thing happened.

00:25:23 Speaker_08
The regular protesters weren't there. And the clinic staff was pretty confused until they began watching the midday news coverage of the unfolding riot at the US Capitol. And there, as the cameras panned across the crowd of January 6 protesters,

00:25:40 Speaker_08
Moyetti and the clinic staff realized why their parking lot was empty and there were no protesters because they were all at the Capitol like they found all the people that routinely came to their clinic. They were at the Capitol that day.

00:25:53 Speaker_08
And so in the book, you make a gesture toward linking this question of political violence, especially in the wake of Dobbs, to this broader question of religious change, the fervor over the anti-abortion movement.

00:26:10 Speaker_08
And I think you may even be suggesting that some of the fights that we have seen over abortion over the years were really just dress rehearsals for the broader fight over democracy that we saw on January 6, 2021.

00:26:23 Speaker_05
Yeah, I think you struck on you hit on something really important that where it's so gratifying to hear you raise that point.

00:26:31 Speaker_05
I mean, I think the way we think about the fight over abortion rights is, of course, it is about when a woman, if a woman can and when she can legally terminate a pregnancy. But it is also about a whole lot more.

00:26:44 Speaker_05
And it's really for a lot of the people you're sort of talking about this movement of anti-abortion protesters that has now become so integrated into the broader MAGA movement.

00:26:56 Speaker_05
It is a fight for Christian power and for the place of sort of conservative Christianity in American life.

00:27:02 Speaker_05
And at its core, really about what American families should look like and what the role should be of American, of women in this big American project.

00:27:13 Speaker_07
I would just add that I think it could be easy to look back at January 6, 2021, and think of it as sort of this macho extremism moment, right? A lot of the images is very male coded. There's a lot of male visuals going on there.

00:27:30 Speaker_05
It's like a clip out of an action movie, you know? Right, it's a very action movie. Yeah.

00:27:35 Speaker_07
But it's this, the way in which sort of the soft behind the scenes, like the slower creep of change and impact of things that were really quite radical but done in very legal ways. had a huge effect for American women along the way.

00:27:59 Speaker_07
And I think it was really valuable in the research to see what that looked like, like what that slow kind of behind-the-scenes takeover looked like, and what kind of coup, in a way, that was. And it was entirely legal.

00:28:16 Speaker_08
Like the frog being boiled, and you don't feel it until it explodes on the steps of the Capitol.

00:28:23 Speaker_05
Yeah, and I think we're conditioned to see sort of big shifts and a radicalization in one way that we think it should look like guys storming the Capitol. But in fact, it can look a lot of different ways.

00:28:36 Speaker_05
And sometimes it can look like you're working things through the courts that hadn't been done before in sort of unprecedented ways.

00:28:43 Speaker_05
So I think it, you know, it's a matter of broadening how we understand what it means to force through major shifts in American life.

00:28:53 Speaker_04
So speaking of the frog being boiled, I guess we wanted to shift from talking about conservatives to talking about the left, progressives, the Democratic Party.

00:29:03 Speaker_04
Because a major theme in the book is the left's complacency, their refusal to acknowledge and respond to the threat that is metastasizing in plain sight.

00:29:13 Speaker_04
And you have this moment where, in 2015, Democrats all of a sudden realize that maybe this could happen. But at that point, you say it's too

00:29:22 Speaker_04
So I guess I would put the question to you, has the left learned its lesson or is it continuing to overlook the growing threats that are forming in the midst? You know, what do we need to do now before we will realize it's too late in a few years?

00:29:37 Speaker_05
Well, I think 2015, as a realization point, is really quite generous of you. And I'm not sure I would put it really that early for most people. But I have to say that it's understandable in a way, right? Roe was a foundation.

00:29:52 Speaker_05
I mean, look, I don't need to tell you guys. People don't really know the names of a lot of Supreme Court cases, but they know this one, right? This was something that was really foundational to two generations of American families.

00:30:05 Speaker_05
So the idea that it could just simply go away was really hard for people to wrap their heads around.

00:30:10 Speaker_05
And what that meant is when democratic politicians were out there saying, oh, you know, you need to vote for me because Rose under attack, people just thought it was like the kind of normal political promises that didn't actually, weren't actually real.

00:30:23 Speaker_05
Um, and as a result, it was not a major, you know, it wasn't that it's really changed overnight since Rofel, but it really wasn't a major political driver. So it wasn't something that Democrats wanted to lean into because frankly,

00:30:37 Speaker_05
It didn't do a ton for them politically. And so you had this situation where nobody really took this thing all that seriously. And there were some Republicans too, who didn't think it would actually go.

00:30:48 Speaker_05
And you saw that, um, that's evident by the bills that were put on the books that, you know, after Rofel were, you had all these conflicting statutes in states. So I do think, um, some of this was just a profound sense of denial across.

00:31:03 Speaker_05
Uh, the political spectrum aside from this like small core of conservative, true believers who thought this could happen.

00:31:09 Speaker_05
Um, and some of it was that it wasn't as politically salient as Democrats, you know, in a way that would be really useful to Democrats, particularly as it is now. Um, now look, I think the, the landscape has changed dramatically.

00:31:21 Speaker_05
I think it is one of the driving forces of this election. It is probably the best, one of the best, if not the best issue Harris has to run on.

00:31:30 Speaker_05
And that's why you see Democrats talking about it in every race across the country, every moment and every day they can.

00:31:36 Speaker_05
So I don't think there's that same sense of denial, but there's also not a magic wand that Democrats can wave here that will suddenly reinstate federal abortion rights. So there I'm curious to see what happens.

00:31:50 Speaker_05
If Harris is to win the election, what happens afterwards? Like. There's been a lot of promises to restore Roe. It's unclear what that means, right? Because Roe doesn't exist. So what is restoring it?

00:32:01 Speaker_05
What is the baseline we're setting in terms of weeks and all of that? And also it's really legislatively difficult given that, uh, the margins Democrats are likely to have if they are even able to hold the Senate.

00:32:13 Speaker_05
So I think we're going to be plunged into a really different conversation after the election, but I don't think this sense of denial and a lack of action is the same problem that it was before. ROFL for the left.

00:32:24 Speaker_08
So that is comforting, I guess, as we wait for what comes next.

00:32:30 Speaker_06
I guess you deliver a lot of comfort. We've been told that's not our space.

00:32:36 Speaker_04
I still feel like there is some denialism going on, like here in Michigan. Yes, because in 2022, you know, our state ratified a state constitutional amendment for reproductive freedom.

00:32:46 Speaker_04
And it still feels to me that people don't understand that in states with state constitutional protections for reproductive freedom, that's not going to do the trick in the event that the federal government tries to start enforcing the Comstock Act.

00:33:02 Speaker_04
or reverses the FDA's approval of Mifepristone, or, you know, they do other things like actually passing a federal abortion ban. I don't think, it still feels to me like there's some dissonance and denial there.

00:33:15 Speaker_08
Well, it also feels like just the focus on the presidential race without sort of taking into account what the congressional races and especially the Senate will mean both for courts and for the ability to pass filibuster reform and to codify Roe and keep it codified,

00:33:31 Speaker_08
It just… people don't seem to understand, like, this is a multi-tiered project, not just elect her. Although that is certainly part of it.

00:33:40 Speaker_07
Yeah, one of the things that the anti-abortion movement has been so effective at over the years is their ability to think and plan in generational lengths of time. And I think the left, this is such a test for them right now.

00:33:57 Speaker_07
Yes, they're thinking about it in terms of an election, but the scale that made the right so effective was planning way down the line. And we still see that even now, for example,

00:34:09 Speaker_07
yes, the Supreme Court, you know, didn't rule on the FDA case, and the right expects that definitely to come back to the court and be examined again.

00:34:18 Speaker_07
But when they saw that loss, while many people on the left were sort of touting this as a victory, the lawyers, The lawyers on the right were like, oh, we've just learned something from this, like how to adjust our strategy.

00:34:33 Speaker_07
Plus then you have the Chevron case, which was a huge victory. And that's another example where there was so much talk of the economic and regulatory impact.

00:34:41 Speaker_07
On the right, the social conservatives were, you know, telling us just how excited they were at how that was going to make things like repealing the FDA's approval for medication abortion so much easier for them.

00:34:56 Speaker_07
So they're just playing this down the line in a way that I'll be curious to see how Democrats and reproductive rights activists respond in a more strategic way.

00:35:07 Speaker_05
But I do think you can't underestimate this, like wiping away of the denial.

00:35:12 Speaker_05
Like, I do think that's really important because I think, look, conservatives thought that they had taken, they had been able to overturn Roe by winning American hearts and minds, but it wasn't true. In fact, people just didn't think it could happen.

00:35:26 Speaker_05
So they weren't upset about it and they didn't understand what it would be if it were to happen. And now they do. And there are very few issues that have like.

00:35:34 Speaker_05
I don't know, 80% popularity and support in American life and contraception and support for fertility treatments are two of them. So I just think it's plunged them into such trickier political territory.

00:35:48 Speaker_05
And the Republican party has, you know, you've seen in different places, candidates have tried to distance themselves from the anti-abortion movement where they could. They haven't found a political answer to this that really works for them.

00:36:01 Speaker_05
This is a very politically damaging issue for Republicans and the party. I think there's significant parts of the party that realize that. And so I do think that constrains some of what can happen.

00:36:15 Speaker_05
And if you look at the reaction to what happened with IVF down in Alabama, it's really interesting to see that. I wonder if that would have happened in the same way before in the political climate that existed when Roe was still standing.

00:36:32 Speaker_07
And anti-abortion activists themselves are worried about the fact that this denial has gone away. It's not something that they talk about publicly. We love a complacent opponent. Exactly.

00:36:47 Speaker_07
But they're realizing, look, this is the first presidential election in half a century without Rose the foundation. So obviously, mobilizing Republican voters doesn't work the same way. But they don't have a sense. No one really knows entirely.

00:37:02 Speaker_07
until, you know, how this will play out until we start to see some results.

00:37:06 Speaker_07
But on the other hand, like one of the lessons in our book, and we started, you know, talking about how we started our story in 2012, and there are a lot of resonances with the current moment there.

00:37:18 Speaker_07
I mean, it was the time when anti-abortion activists literally thought that all hope was lost because the Republican Party blamed them for President Obama's re-election. So we'll see. There's a lot that's going to unfold here.

00:37:33 Speaker_07
And I just think it's hard to sort of overstate how unknown this time is. Well, that is really comforting.

00:37:42 Speaker_08
The book is fantastic. We all loved it. It is not comforting reading, but it is essential nonetheless. The book is called The Fall of Roe and the Rise of a New America, and it is a Searing Must Read.

00:37:55 Speaker_08
Ron, do not walk to your local bookstore to get your copy. Elizabeth Diaz and Lisa Lerer, thank you so much for joining us today.

00:38:02 Speaker_07
Thank you so much for the conversation.

00:38:04 Speaker_05
Thanks for having us.

00:38:19 Speaker_03
And now on to part two of the episode. Today we are delighted to be joined by David Posen, who we have invited on the podcast to talk to us about his terrific new book, The Constitution of the War on Drugs.

00:38:29 Speaker_03
David is the Charles Keller Beekman Professor of Law at Columbia and one of the best scholars of constitutional law around today. His most recent project is a book-length treatment of the war on drugs and its relationship to the Constitution.

00:38:41 Speaker_03
And I want to mention up top that the book is available on SSRN, so you can download it and read it right now for free. So if you're interested in this discussion, run and do that. David, welcome to the pod. It's great to have you.

00:38:53 Speaker_02
Thanks so much for having me on.

00:38:54 Speaker_08
So let's start with the impetus for the book. What drew you to this topic?

00:38:58 Speaker_08
Kate recently wrote an essay for Jack Balkin's blog, Balkinization, and as she noted in that essay, the war on drugs is not typically a topic that we think of in terms of constitutional law.

00:39:12 Speaker_08
So what brought you and all of your constitutional law knowledge to this topic, the war on drugs, and to think about all of the ways in which constitutional law has failed and maybe even furthered the war on drugs?

00:39:25 Speaker_02
Yeah, that observation of case is itself part of what brought me to this topic.

00:39:29 Speaker_02
That is, there's this major drug reform movement that's been underway for years now, and it assails the war on drugs for its violations of racial equality, individual liberty, reasoned government decision-making, and

00:39:46 Speaker_02
As a constitutional law scholar, those struck me as the key tropes of modern constitutional law, and yet the drug reform movement almost never enlists the Constitution in its effort to fight punitive drug policy.

00:39:59 Speaker_02
So it was that absence that drew me to the project more than anything. Where did the Constitution go? in our struggles for humane and effective drug policies.

00:40:09 Speaker_02
And I knew enough when I was starting out that there had been generations of previous constitutional battles over drug policy to know that there might be something there historically to look into, and that launched the project.

00:40:21 Speaker_02
The other thing I'll say briefly is, The series for which the book is written is called the Inalienable Rights Series by Oxford University Press, and one of the inalienable rights named in the Declaration of Independence is the pursuit of happiness.

00:40:36 Speaker_02
Fully two-thirds of the state constitutions codify a right to the pursuit of happiness, and that used to inform interpretation of the federal constitution as well, and bears on drug policy. So I was also curious about that absence.

00:40:50 Speaker_02
Where did the right to happiness or the pursuit of happiness go in our constitutional tradition? And I sense that that was bound up in the history of the drug cases.

00:40:58 Speaker_03
As you mentioned, there is some history, despite the relative absence of the Constitution from present debates about drug policy, there actually have been lots of constitutional arguments made over the decades in state and federal court.

00:41:10 Speaker_03
And one of the, I think, really important contributions of the book is pulling that history together, right, unearthing it. For a lot of us, it was totally unfamiliar. For me, much of it was.

00:41:18 Speaker_03
So can you just tell our listeners a little bit about what the major strains of argument that were made, you know, sometimes getting traction against various aspects of our punitive drug laws?

00:41:29 Speaker_02
Sure. It varied by time period some. So, for example, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, you had a lot of arguments about the limits of government power.

00:41:38 Speaker_02
You know, the federal government couldn't regulate activities that happened purely within a state, and even the state governments couldn't regulate purely private conduct, at least in some jurisdictions.

00:41:48 Speaker_02
And people argue that the possession and consumption of drugs like alcohol was purely private conduct, and so just walled off from the government's regulatory authority.

00:41:58 Speaker_02
But those arguments fall out of the picture by the mid 20th century when it's well established that the government at both the federal and state levels does have that authority to regulate even private conduct.

00:42:09 Speaker_02
But what rises instead are rights claims in the 1960s and 70s. That's the focus of the book. And they take many forms. There are liberty and privacy claims for, again, personal possession and use of drugs.

00:42:22 Speaker_02
especially in the home, those are often brought under the Due Process Clause, those are so-called substantive due process arguments.

00:42:29 Speaker_02
There are arguments that illogical classifications of drugs, for example, lumping marijuana with heroin in the most restrictive drug schedules violates the Equal Protection Clause and its guarantee of treating like things alike, you know, rational government decision-making.

00:42:46 Speaker_02
There are Eighth Amendment Cruel and Unusual Punishment Clause claims

00:42:50 Speaker_02
that it's cruel to punish drug addicts for behaviors that they can't control, or that long prison sentences for non-violent drug behaviors are grossly disproportionate to the gravity of the crime.

00:43:01 Speaker_02
There are First Amendment claims under the Free Exercise of Religion and the Free Speech Clause.

00:43:06 Speaker_02
It turns out there are many different parts of the Constitution that are enlisted and winning in some lower federal courts and state courts on all of these grounds in fighting draconian drug laws.

00:43:17 Speaker_08
To me, this was the most fascinating aspect of the book, this whole idea that there was this history in which lower federal courts and state courts of last resort were actually crediting some of these alternative theories of constitutional protection for drug use.

00:43:32 Speaker_08
So you talk about the Alaska Supreme Court, for example, and there are these other lower courts. But this question of

00:43:40 Speaker_08
constitutional limits on the state's ability to regulate drugs really kind of goes fallow in the 1960s and 1970s, and it does so at precisely the moment where the 14th Amendment, and in particular the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause, are really pushing forward to protect racial equality and reproductive freedom.

00:43:59 Speaker_08
So why the mismatch in the ways in which these limits on government authority that come out of the Constitution are used, and why can't they be used for drugs?

00:44:10 Speaker_02
Well, they are used for a period.

00:44:13 Speaker_02
So in the late 60s and early mid 1970s, the new liberty and equality arguments that the Supreme Court is blessing are exactly what's leveraged by drug reform advocates and drug defendants lawyers to challenge these punitive drug policies.

00:44:29 Speaker_02
And then it's really toward the end of the 1970s that the courts pull back. partly because of signals they're getting from the U.S.

00:44:36 Speaker_02
Supreme Court, partly because I think some courts are worried about just how far this rights revolution is going to go that they've ushered in, partly because drug politics are changing. It's a complicated story.

00:44:47 Speaker_02
But to make it more concrete, I'll just say it's in 1965 that the U.S. Supreme Court hands down Griswold v. Connecticut, recognizing a right for married couples to use contraceptives in the home.

00:45:00 Speaker_02
And that ushers in this new era under a right-to-privacy rubric. And so, suddenly, substantive liberty or privacy claims can be brought again. drug lawyers quickly figure out that Griswold can be mobilized on their behalf.

00:45:16 Speaker_02
So they start bringing a whole tidal wave of claims using Griswold. And then I think you also referenced the reproductive rights cases like Roe.

00:45:26 Speaker_02
Roe, too, is used by drug reform advocates to stand for this right to control one's body and important life decisions, and can that be applied to drug use as well? So I think there is a moment where, for about a decade,

00:45:38 Speaker_02
where it looks like there might be a very robust privacy and liberty jurisprudence extending beyond marital couples, beyond reproductive choice, and into all sorts of personal behaviors as well.

00:45:49 Speaker_02
My favorite little factoid here with Roe and drugs is the California State Senate studies the issue of marijuana in the early 1970s and puts out this report that Roe versus Wade compels the conclusion that adults have a right to personal possession and use of marijuana.

00:46:08 Speaker_02
What could be clearer than that Roe versus Wade compels that conclusion? So people did not think this was a fanciful leap from those privacy liberty cases to drugs.

00:46:17 Speaker_08
So can I push on that a little bit? And we see a kind of similar dynamic in the arena of sexual freedom, and in particular, gay rights at the same period of time.

00:46:25 Speaker_08
So there are a lot of anti-sodomy challenges that reference Griswold versus Connecticut, and then eventually reference Roe versus Wade. And over time, they're sort of shut down very quickly. the 2000s, the 1990s, they begin to flower again.

00:46:41 Speaker_08
And of course, we know in 2003, the court decides Lawrence versus Texas and finds that there's some kind of constitutional protection for consensual, private, same-sex sexuality.

00:46:51 Speaker_08
We don't see the same kind of oscillation with regard to the war on drugs, where there's this sort of opening and then retrenchment, and then again, another opening. And so why is that?

00:47:01 Speaker_02
Yeah, I mean, there's definitely there's an opening in the retrenchment, but not a further reopening there. I think by the mid 1980s, the full militaristic version of the war on drugs has taken hold. And what's different is that the kind of.

00:47:17 Speaker_02
broad base of popular and elite constituencies for drug liberalization has gone away by the 1980s, and then the doctrinal openings have closed as well.

00:47:27 Speaker_02
So in the 1970s, by contrast, you have numerous government commissions endorsing drug liberalization, President Carter, President Ford in his way as well. You have the National

00:47:40 Speaker_02
Council of Churches, the National Council of Rabbis calling for drug decriminalization. You have the Consumers Union doing the same thing, the ACLU.

00:47:48 Speaker_02
So you have this wide swath of kind of establishment groups that recognize that punitive drug policies tend to be mistaken and cruel.

00:47:56 Speaker_02
And you have just surging use of drugs, illicit drugs, not only by hippies and countercultural figures, but also by Vietnam veterans. and groups that are not easily dismissed as on the fringe of American politics.

00:48:11 Speaker_02
So that all keeps alive, the possibility of drug rights in the 1970s, as well as these doctrinal openings that are happening. as what goes away in the 1980s.

00:48:20 Speaker_02
I'll just say quickly on the privacy claims, what seems to me unresolved in the late 60s and 70s, but then proves fatal to claims for a liberty or privacy-based right to drug use, is whether or not you need to establish that your liberty interest is fundamental to have a chance of getting constitutional protection.

00:48:41 Speaker_02
And now I think we all teach in our common law classes that The first step in a substantive due process analysis is, is the liberty interest in question fundamental? However, you judge that. If so, strict scrutiny.

00:48:54 Speaker_02
If not, you lose rational basis review. But that wasn't established in this period. And when it is established, I think in part because of the flood of drug claims that courts started to get afraid of,

00:49:07 Speaker_02
No judges are willing to say your right to smoke pot is fundamental, and therefore you win. The better version of the argument, I think, is your right to smoke pot is non-trivial. There's some liberty and privacy and autonomy interest at stake.

00:49:22 Speaker_02
But what's really bad for the government's case is they don't have a good argument for criminalizing what you're doing. And so if we balance those, we find that you ought to not be thrown in prison for this kind of behavior.

00:49:32 Speaker_02
But when that possibility of that kind of argument goes away and you have to prove to a judge that it's fundamental, then the drug rights wins dry up.

00:49:41 Speaker_03
So that's something that you suggest throughout the book, that the constitutional grammar that sort of solidifies sometime in maybe the late 70s, 80s, renders basically illegible a lot of the claims that would be the most likely to succeed.

00:49:54 Speaker_03
And that, I don't want to put words in your mouth, but that you seem to find in some ways like the most persuasive, that government most of the time, there's some kind of non-trivial interest.

00:50:01 Speaker_03
Government usually doesn't have any decent reason for restricting in the way it does at least most currently illegal drugs.

00:50:09 Speaker_03
And that is an argument that the Constitution should recognize, and yet our current constitutional grammar doesn't necessarily do that. So we're talking mostly about liberty and privacy and equality.

00:50:18 Speaker_03
There are also interesting First Amendment strains in the story that you tell. So, you know, I think the First Amendment figures in a couple of different ways.

00:50:25 Speaker_03
One that you alluded to a couple of minutes ago is there are First Amendment arguments, grounded particularly in the Free Exercise Clause, against certain prohibitions, in particular on the use of substances like peyote.

00:50:34 Speaker_03
But the First Amendment is also a major obstacle to drug law reform in that it cuts off a possible channel, which would be something like decriminalization paired with limits on advertising.

00:50:45 Speaker_03
Essentially that this kind of weaponized First Amendment and First Amendment protections for commercial speech have actually stood as a major obstacle to drug law reform. Can you kind of spell that argument out for our listeners?

00:50:57 Speaker_02
The First Amendment is used aggressively in the 60s and 70s to try to attack these prohibitory drug laws, both under the Free Exercise Clause, which protects the free exercise of religion, and the Free Speech Clause.

00:51:10 Speaker_02
Free exercise challenges to drug laws yield a small set of wins, largely revolving around the Native American Church and later the Church of Santo Daime for peyote and ayahuasca. The free speech claims take two forms.

00:51:24 Speaker_02
Some people say that the right to use drugs is itself a form of symbolic speech, mainly protest against the establishment. And courts basically don't take that too seriously. If using drugs is symbolic speech, and so is a lot of things we do,

00:51:39 Speaker_02
But they take more seriously the idea that drug control can amount to thought control. That is, the idea that drugs can stimulate new modes of perception or cognition or sensation.

00:51:50 Speaker_02
There's a long line of free speech cases saying that freedom of thought is covered by the right to free speech. You have the Supreme Court in 1969 say that obscenity

00:52:01 Speaker_02
in this case, Stanley v. Georgia, you have a right to possess obscene materials, like a pornography video in that case, even though obscenity is not speech at all under the First Amendment, because otherwise the government would have the power to control people's minds.

00:52:17 Speaker_02
So that looks like a promising avenue to challenge drug bans, particularly psychedelic drug bans, where people say, you know, free their minds. And that argument actually has taken off abroad in recent years under the banner of cognitive liberty.

00:52:30 Speaker_02
Okay, enough on that. It was just to say there are an interesting mixture of free exercise and free speech claims you could bring against drug bans.

00:52:37 Speaker_02
But what happens instead, when those avenues largely get closed off, is the Supreme Court in 1976 recognizes commercial speech as a type of speech covered by the First Amendment.

00:52:49 Speaker_02
It wasn't clear before 1976 that advertising got any First Amendment protection. But once it does, when you have a legal product then it's very hard to restrict advertising about it. You can restrict for illegal products.

00:53:02 Speaker_02
And, Kate, what I think you were getting at is this is troubling for those who want to legalize drugs or at least liberalize drug policies, but not have a flood of advertising targeting, say, adolescents in particular.

00:53:16 Speaker_02
For me personally, I'll just say I would love to pair relatively liberal drug policies with pretty strict limits on advertising, but that

00:53:24 Speaker_02
balance is unavailable, because once you legalize, the First Amendment basically allows, you know, think of the alcohol ads you see, or what Purdue did with OxyContin, much more advertising of psychoactive substances than we see in other countries.

00:53:40 Speaker_02
So the First Amendment both isn't helping people get out of punitive drug laws very much, and it is helping manufacturers of legal drugs, you know, distribute them as widely as they can in a way that I think has deserved us.

00:53:52 Speaker_03
So I actually think there are a lot of parallels between the failure of the Constitution to check the abuses of the war on drugs and the failure of the Constitution to meaningfully protect abortion.

00:54:01 Speaker_03
And I mean both the failure post-obs, but in many ways the failure of the Constitution to really protect access to abortion under the rules set forth in Roe and Casey, which formally protected access to abortion but permitted all kinds of regulations that placed it functionally out of reach for many, many people.

00:54:17 Speaker_03
So I guess I'm curious if you agree that there are parallels between the failures of the Constitution in these two, you know, related but disparate domains.

00:54:27 Speaker_03
And I actually wanted to ask, I don't know if you saw this, but those parallels seem to me particularly acute right now in light of Louisiana's recent decision to classify the drugs used in medication abortion as controlled substances.

00:54:39 Speaker_03
So this is a recent development, but it makes me think that maybe these parallels, actually these lines may converge in more direct ways than I even realized when I was reading the book.

00:54:48 Speaker_02
Yeah, I have to check out that new decision out of Louisiana, which sounds disturbing. Obviously, drugs don't implicate sex equality in the same way as abortion rights, and so are distinguishable. But I think you're right on the liberty interest side.

00:55:05 Speaker_02
There are a lot of parallels in the way the doctrines develop. So for example, in Dobbs, you see Justice Alito demand this very stringent and That same kind of logic is basically what is used to.

00:55:32 Speaker_02
weed out drug claims, you know, a generation previously. As with abortion, there actually is a plausible historical case for a right to illicit drug use that Alito seems oblivious to.

00:55:43 Speaker_02
And of course, the way he constructs the history is deeply uncharitable to the way you might think about abortion rights historically.

00:55:52 Speaker_02
And indeed, in Dobbs, there's this weird passage in Dictum where Justice Alito goes out of his way to say, if you define

00:56:01 Speaker_02
the liberty interest in question here, too generally, that could lead to crazy outcomes, like a right to use illicit drugs, which has no claim to being deeply rooted in history.

00:56:12 Speaker_02
Again, oblivious to the fact that prior generations of Americans thought it clearly was a plausible constitutional claim.

00:56:18 Speaker_08
Wait, are you saying that Justice Alito is a poor historian, Dave?

00:56:22 Speaker_02
I'm saying he's an unserious historian. It cites nothing for that claim about drugs. I know you've deconstructed it.

00:56:32 Speaker_08
He's a better flag dancer than he is a historian, I think.

00:56:36 Speaker_02
I think that's right. But it's interesting, too, kind of cultural. He links drugs to abortion. They're both, to him, sinful, shameful practices, it seems. And just as he's oblivious or

00:56:52 Speaker_02
doesn't take seriously the ways in which the war on drugs, you know, for example, is disastrous for racial justice. He's not taking seriously the jobs for gender justice. So this weird kind of

00:57:08 Speaker_02
ahistorical, you know, reactionary agenda, I think, you know, is yoked together with the way he treats drugs and reproductive rights claims.

00:57:17 Speaker_02
Now, Nick, I think you're adding another wrinkle, which is now, you know, medication abortion actually makes drugs not just relevant by analogy, but very directly to abortion regulation.

00:57:26 Speaker_02
And what you're describing out of Louisiana, again, I'll have to check out, suggests this pathological convergence of punitive drug policy and punitive abortion policy.

00:57:36 Speaker_02
Again, all in the service of a broadly, I don't know what to call it, traditional, religious traditional moral vision.

00:57:44 Speaker_08
I believe the word is theocracy.

00:57:56 Speaker_08
So one of the things it seems that you are saying in the book is that the Constitution hasn't been terribly effective at limiting or constraining the war on drugs, but it also seems like you're saying that in some cases and in some contexts, the Constitution has actually affirmatively legitimated the war on drugs.

00:58:18 Speaker_08
I guess my question is like, how do we figure the Constitution as a culprit in this story? Is this the Constitution making it impossible to address the question of the decriminalization of drugs or the Constitution affirmatively

00:58:35 Speaker_08
affirming, I guess, the idea that the government can wage a war on drugs.

00:58:40 Speaker_08
And yeah, I think this leads into some of the arguments that you note later in the book for perhaps harnessing the interest in originalism to advance some arguments that are historically grounded that might lead some of the conservatives on the court to perhaps think differently about the question of the war on drugs and the Constitution as a limit on it.

00:59:01 Speaker_02
Right. Yeah, the Constitution is figuring into the war on drugs on a few levels. So One level is defendants are trying to invoke the Constitution as a shield.

00:59:11 Speaker_02
You know, you can't punish me this harshly because I have a right, a liberty right, a privacy right, a right against cruel and unusual punishment or what have you.

00:59:21 Speaker_02
And when the courts eventually turn against those claims and shut them down, I see them as legitimating the government policies and entrenching those policies at a moment when it's unclear whether they would be broadly embraced.

00:59:35 Speaker_02
So on the one hand, the Constitution fails to stop the war on drugs' worst excesses from taking off and allows this unjust policy to grow and grow. On the other hand, I think you're also getting at, Melissa,

00:59:48 Speaker_02
the Constitution at some points goes further and becomes a sword with which people attack relatively modest drug policies that are trying to reverse the worst axis of the war on drugs.

01:00:01 Speaker_02
So I'm thinking we already talked about commercial advertising and how pharmaceutical companies and makers of illicit drugs use the Constitution to prevent restrictions on their advertising.

01:00:12 Speaker_02
We might also talk about how now that marijuana is getting legalized in a number of states, some of those states have tried to set aside licenses for cannabis dispensaries for historically underrepresented racial minority groups.

01:00:26 Speaker_02
And the Equal Protection Clause has been evoked by basically white owners of other dispensaries to strike down those laws. That started in Ohio and has spread more broadly.

01:00:36 Speaker_02
You have also the so-called Dormant Commerce Clause, the clause that gives Congress the power to regulate interstate commerce. It's been read to say that states therefore can't interfere too much with interstate commerce.

01:00:47 Speaker_02
That's being used to prevent states from privileging local businesses too much, as against big national chains, so that dormant commerce calls could become a big problem in trying to avoid the big tobaccoification of marijuana.

01:01:00 Speaker_02
So in all these ways, the Constitution is both failing to protect people from overly punitive drug policies and attacking what seem to me relatively modest, sensible reforms to try to unwind some of the harms of the war on drugs.

01:01:14 Speaker_02
I think, Melissa, I hear you also to ask, but going forward, could the Constitution play a more productive and less destructive role in this space? It certainly could in theory.

01:01:24 Speaker_02
In many countries around the world, there are now drug rights being recognized in limited forms, but usually around marijuana, recognizing that criminal responses to some drug behaviors really don't serve an adequate public benefit.

01:01:40 Speaker_02
for the cost they impose on individuals. But here in the US, we have the rise of originalism. I know you've talked about a lot in strict scrutiny.

01:01:47 Speaker_02
I see a bunch of originalist arguments that could be made against punitive drug policies, if only the courts would take them seriously. And I also see a lot of other moves that could be made in state courts.

01:01:57 Speaker_02
So just as in prior periods, there were many clauses of the Constitution that seemed relevant to drug reformers, still today, those paths remain open.

01:02:05 Speaker_08
Some of the ones that you mention in the book involve the Eighth Amendment and the Prohibition on Cruel and Unusual Punishment, for example.

01:02:12 Speaker_08
Can you maybe flesh out what some of these might be and why, if they are actually originalist arguments, might the courts be unreceptive to them because they are originalists?

01:02:22 Speaker_02
Right. Through and through. I think that in some ways the cleanest originalist argument should be quite compelling to anyone, to whatever your interpretive commitment.

01:02:35 Speaker_02
There's all this research, John Stineford is a leading scholar in this space, that when the Eighth Amendment was written in 1791, there was a surprisingly broad understanding among many about what constituted cruel and unusual punishment.

01:02:50 Speaker_02
Not just barbaric modes of punishment, but also punishments that failed to fit the crime, in the sense that the punishment is way out of whack with the moral gravity of what the person has done.

01:03:02 Speaker_02
And Stineford says that if you're going to be a faithful originalist, you have to take seriously the possibility that long prison terms for nonviolent offensives violate the original understanding of the cruel and unusual punishment clause.

01:03:15 Speaker_02
So there's a very straightforward argument. about how long prison terms for low-level drug offenses are a constitutional violation.

01:03:23 Speaker_02
There's a lot of original scholarship to support other moves like reviving substantive liberty protections, maybe under the Privileges or Immunities Clause, maybe under the state protections for the right to pursue happiness.

01:03:36 Speaker_02
You could also challenge the federal government's regulatory authority under the Controlled Substance Act. If you're an originalist, you could support jury nullification, where juries get to

01:03:46 Speaker_02
Refused to convict, not because they believe the defendant's factually innocent, but because they believe the law is unjust, which was used very effectively for alcohol prohibition.

01:03:55 Speaker_02
A lot of originals suggest that was the original understanding of the jury, that they would have the power to nullify. So there are all these originalist moves that I think could be quite fruitful for people who want to challenge strict drug laws.

01:04:05 Speaker_02
But originalism has this conservative valence in the way it's developed since the 1970s and 80s. And as it's been applied very sporadically and opportunistically, it seems to me, by the Supreme Court,

01:04:21 Speaker_02
it tends not to vindicate the progressive originalism claims. And so I guess I'm not that optimistic that the Roberts Court is going to embrace any drug rights originalist claims, even though I think a number of them are very plausible on the merits.

01:04:36 Speaker_08
almost like they're faithless originalists, but different line of argument.

01:04:41 Speaker_02
Selective originalists.

01:04:42 Speaker_08
Selective and itinerant originalists. Speaking of those selective and itinerant originalists, and let's try and bring some of the insights of your book to bear on some of the cases at the court.

01:04:53 Speaker_08
One of the cases that you note at length in the book is Robinson v. California, which is a 1962 case in which

01:04:59 Speaker_08
the Warren Court held that the status of drug addiction could not be the basis for criminalization, even if the state could criminalize drug use. So this sort of distinction between status and conduct.

01:05:12 Speaker_08
Robinson, as you know, featured very prominently in the oral argument in Grant's Pass v. Johnson, which is the case about unhoused individuals and whether localities can criminalize the status of being unhoused.

01:05:27 Speaker_02
My view of Robinson, which is a fascinating case, is that it's already been whittled down to do very little.

01:05:33 Speaker_02
So the book talks about this in the Eighth Amendment chapter, where Robinson is this 1962 case where the Supreme Court is confronted with a California law, which as it had been construed by the California courts, made it a crime to be a narcotics addict, to have the status of being a narcotics addict, whether or not it was proven that you had actually used narcotics.

01:05:54 Speaker_02
And the court said, that violates the Cruel and Unusual Punishment Clause just for the status of being an addict to be a crime. And it's a weird opinion because it has almost no Eighth Amendment analysis whatsoever.

01:06:10 Speaker_02
Probably a decade later, it would have been a substantive due process ruling, not an Eighth Amendment ruling. And actually, Robinson himself had died about eight months before oral argument in the case, and no one seemed aware of that.

01:06:21 Speaker_02
And arguably, the case should have been moot as a result. So lots of strange stuff going on. There was a big debate in the years after Robinson about how far it should be extended.

01:06:32 Speaker_02
If it's cruel to punish someone for the status of being an addict, a status they can't control, as the court puts it in Robinson, then it shouldn't likewise be cruel to punish them for procuring or consuming the substance to which they're addicted.

01:06:48 Speaker_02
That would seem to follow from their addiction. And you have a number of lower courts find, in that spirit, in the five years or so after Robinson.

01:06:58 Speaker_02
And then the courts kind of pull back by the end of the 1960s and suggest that Robinson really just prohibits criminalizing a status. But if there's any act involved, then it's not necessarily covered by Robinson.

01:07:12 Speaker_02
And very, very few states have laws that punish the mere status of anything, including addiction. And so Robinson, but still,

01:07:22 Speaker_02
It's kind of hung around as this resource or this source of hope for people who think behaviors that we can't control, that are out of our, you know, for example, if you are unhoused and need to sleep somewhere, ought not to be subject to criminal punishment.

01:07:39 Speaker_02
That's still really, that's a powerful idea that still pulls on a lot of people. And it's just hard to locate it within the doctrine at this point. Robinson still remains this potential source of that move.

01:07:53 Speaker_02
And there, I think Robinson never had strong originalist grounding. That was really the Warren court at its most freewheeling, just operating in a kind of common law, I don't know, almost casual fashion with a morally compelling outcome.

01:08:09 Speaker_02
Another interesting historical tidbit with Robinson is one of the justices who's most, plays one of the biggest roles in limiting its potential impact is Thurgood Marshall.

01:08:20 Speaker_02
You know, liberal lion, you might think someone who would be quite sympathetic to the kinds of people who would be protected by a broader reading of Robinson. In this 1968 case, Powell versus Texas,

01:08:33 Speaker_02
where a chronic alcoholic who was convicted of public intoxication tries to say, I couldn't control myself, I'm an alcoholic, so I shouldn't be subject to criminal punishment for doing the thing I can't control.

01:08:50 Speaker_02
And Justice Marshall, in a plurality opinion, says we can't allow this logic because then people are going to come in and say, I suffered from a compulsion to kill.

01:09:02 Speaker_02
And we're going to have to let murderers off the hook because that's going to be covered by the Eighth Amendment. We're going to have to allow drunk driving to go unprosecuted.

01:09:10 Speaker_02
And as it's pointed out in the dissent in that case, and by lots of lower court judges, that doesn't necessarily follow at all.

01:09:16 Speaker_02
You could draw a lot of lines, you know, where only certain types of compulsion, very closely tied to the addiction, say, are covered, and not conduct that affects third parties like murder.

01:09:28 Speaker_02
You know, it was not ever gonna be the case that murder is gonna go free. But I think what you see in Justice Marshall's reaction is he's afraid of any jurisprudence where

01:09:39 Speaker_02
case after case after case, lower court judges are going to have to wrestle with, could this defendant have controlled their actions? Or in some psychological or material sense, was it beyond their conscious control that they did what they did?

01:09:54 Speaker_02
And that is a very difficult determination. Judges are going to have to play a psychologist. And opening up that kind of argument, I think, for Justice Marshall was going to tax the judiciaries

01:10:08 Speaker_02
resources and competence more than he felt comfortable with. So any kind of jurisprudence allows people to have a defense that I couldn't control myself. You have a lot of judges, including some liberals, who seem very averse to that.

01:10:20 Speaker_08
perhaps paradoxically for Marshall, like when the courts are called upon to exercise their own subjective judgment, it may have real racial dynamics underlying it that aren't even perceptible.

01:10:32 Speaker_08
And I think that's something that he talked about in some of his other jurisprudence. And I think James Foreman talks a lot about this when you think about

01:10:40 Speaker_08
the sort of unusual bedfellows of African Americans who line up in favor of really draconian drug policies in his book, Locking Up Our Own.

01:10:48 Speaker_03
And Dave, you cite that book as you're talking about some of the sort of social movement explanations for, so we were talking about jurisprudence primarily.

01:10:56 Speaker_03
help us understand why these arguments that were gaining some traction ultimately failed, those windows closed.

01:11:02 Speaker_03
There's also kind of a social movement explanation or set of explanations that you offer that distinguish drug policy reform efforts from like, you know, gay rights and other kinds of efforts that did bear fruit in courts but had different sort of coalitions underlying those legal efforts.

01:11:16 Speaker_03
Can you just say a little bit about that?

01:11:18 Speaker_02
Sure.

01:11:18 Speaker_02
To use the court's terminology, we hear a lot about how so-called discreet and insular minority groups are the best candidates for special protection because it's thought that they're not able to advocate for themselves effectively in the political process.

01:11:35 Speaker_02
And they're kind of recognizable to the courts as groups that share a coherent social identity and are the subject of oppressive state treatment. And so that fits, say, the gay rights movement pretty well.

01:11:50 Speaker_02
And drug users, it seems to me, and I talk about in the book, are not a discrete and insular minority of the population. They're a diffuse and anonymous plurality.

01:12:02 Speaker_02
There are tens of millions of them at any given time around the country illegally using drugs. So it's not a small number. It's a huge number. And however, they're largely not organized. They are in the closet.

01:12:15 Speaker_02
They are not claiming their drug use as an important part of their identity and making kind of identitarian or moral claims about what they're doing.

01:12:25 Speaker_02
And so they aren't able to cohere into a robust coalition that can weather the losses that come in the courts in the 1970s.

01:12:34 Speaker_02
And once drug policy becomes much more punitive in the 1980s, and then you get the panic over crack cocaine in the mid to late 80s, all these groups kind of fold.

01:12:46 Speaker_02
certain characteristics of successful social movements that bring rights claims that the drug groups just don't have.

01:12:55 Speaker_02
But it's a bit of a puzzle why they don't do better, because just as far as sheer numbers, you have tens of millions of Americans potentially subject to prison time in any given year across all strata of society.

01:13:08 Speaker_02
Why aren't elites mobilizing to stop that, you know, and protect their kids from going to prison? And there I also bring in how

01:13:16 Speaker_02
The way the war on drugs was enforced, however, people who are relatively high up the socioeconomic ladder, and particularly whites, were very unlikely to face any prison time for non-trafficking offenses.

01:13:29 Speaker_02
And so basically, we reached this equilibrium where elites were spared the worst ravages of the war on drugs, and other more vulnerable groups in society were subject to its brutal punishment.

01:13:38 Speaker_02
And that equilibrium could last, sadly, for a full generation in our politics. But I do think,

01:13:45 Speaker_02
there's something to be learned, not just from those very few rights movements that have succeeded in our history, which we lavish attention on, gay rights, gun rights, but also from the failures, you know, of falsible movements that started to make some headway and then got shut down.

01:14:00 Speaker_02
I wonder if there's almost more to learn from them, given that they're much more representative of what we see in constitutional law than the few famous, you know, successful movements.

01:14:11 Speaker_03
maybe just to take one more beat on kind of extrajudicial kinds of topics. So again, we've been mostly talking about courts.

01:14:18 Speaker_03
And the book, you know, is about the Constitution, but it is mostly, most of the stories that you're telling are court stories. But obviously, there are lots of other actors who participate in shaping constitutional law.

01:14:29 Speaker_03
And there's a way in which there are all these pathologies baked into various kind of organs of government. And we both, Dave, you and I both served in the executive branch in the Obama administration.

01:14:40 Speaker_03
There's just the security clearance process strikes me as actually a very important kind of gatekeeper in which there are still these, you know, real archaic seeming questions about drug use.

01:14:52 Speaker_03
And it's a process like selection for federal government service involves winnowing out people who have either engage in extensive drug use or cop to have engaged in extensive drug use.

01:15:03 Speaker_03
And that is just one, I think, of many, many examples of how, you know, policymaking is distorted by, you know, at these very different sort of moments and levers and entry points.

01:15:12 Speaker_03
Anyway, that's not something you touch in the book, but it is something that that's come to mind.

01:15:15 Speaker_02
Yeah, that's the role of the of drug questions and security clearance is fast. They could do a whole one could do a whole study of that. But it seems to me that it's been a kind of proxy for weeding out people who have

01:15:29 Speaker_02
overly anti-authoritarian, you know, mindsets or, you know, libertarian views.

01:15:35 Speaker_03
Or who can be compromised in certain ways.

01:15:37 Speaker_02
Yeah.

01:15:38 Speaker_03
That is, I think, like, that is the predicate, I think, in this sort of drug liberalization era because you have retained essentially these questions intact.

01:15:45 Speaker_03
But right, the logic continues to be, well, you could be subject to blackmail as opposed to there is something that fundamentally disqualifies you from government service. But the fact remains, the questions are basically unchanged since, like,

01:15:56 Speaker_03
I don't know, the mid, late 1950s? I mean, it is wild, like, the drug questions that remain.

01:16:01 Speaker_02
Yeah. I'll just say, you know, this is also, for me, a good example of how if you want to challenge drug policies that you think are unjust, really what prior constitutional reformers realized is you have to go to the source.

01:16:17 Speaker_02
That is, the prohibitions themselves and the penalties they impose. Because if you allow drugs to be criminalized, Then all kinds of downstream bad things happen in the way those laws get enforced. You get security clearance litmus tests.

01:16:33 Speaker_02
You get urine testing at work. You get invasive police tactics of all kinds. You get stop and frisk. You get no knock warrants. You get aerial surveillance. That's because drug people use drugs and always have in huge numbers.

01:16:50 Speaker_02
They're victimless crimes in the sense that if someone buys drugs from someone else on the street, there is no one who's going to report that. That's a voluntary transaction. Drugs are small and portable, so they're hard to find.

01:17:01 Speaker_02
People often do them in their home. So the only way you're going to possibly enforce drug laws is through very aggressive tactics of the kinds we just canvassed.

01:17:10 Speaker_08
It sounds a lot like sex.

01:17:12 Speaker_02
Like sex? Yeah, because people are going to do it, you know. What do you like about it?

01:17:16 Speaker_08
No, but I mean, like, these are the same things that birth control advocates talked about in the 1960s. Like, you know, how are you going to enforce a ban on contraception in Connecticut? Are you going to have a police officer under every bed?

01:17:27 Speaker_08
I mean, it's the same kind of logic.

01:17:29 Speaker_02
And one thing that really struck me from reading what people were writing in the 60s and 70s, everyone saw this.

01:17:35 Speaker_02
All the leading scholars and the government commissions that were studying the drug problem, they all said, if we allow these behaviors for widely popular drugs like marijuana to be criminalized, we're gonna get a racialized police state.

01:17:51 Speaker_02
How else are we gonna possibly enforce these laws? And given the political economy, racial economy criminal enforcement in this country, it's going to be targeted at kind of relatively poor urban neighborhoods and people of color.

01:18:04 Speaker_02
And you're going to get, I'll quote, Nixon's Commission on Marijuana and Drug Abuse in 1972 says the following, possession of marijuana is generally a private behavior.

01:18:18 Speaker_02
In order to find it, the police many times must operate on the edge of constitutional limitations.

01:18:24 Speaker_02
Arrests without probable cause, illegal searches, and selective enforcement occur often enough to arouse concern about the integrity of the criminal process."

01:18:34 Speaker_02
So that is a relatively conservative commission pointing out very clearly 50 plus years ago that you're gonna get deeply troubling police practices if you don't decriminalize here.

01:18:45 Speaker_02
So it was just to say one thing the book tries to do is recover what I see as the first order fights of what can be punished and prohibited in the first place.

01:18:55 Speaker_02
Not to say that the enforcement and procedural issues aren't extremely important, but they're all downstream from the first order decision.

01:19:02 Speaker_03
And something that was in that quote that you just read suggests that Contra, the exchange we were just having about security clearances, there's actually a way in which the executive branch has sometimes been ahead of courts in at least identifying the need for reform or some of the potential dangers in punitive drug policies.

01:19:17 Speaker_03
So I actually wanted to pose a question about a recent development, which is that the DEA has proposed to reclassify marijuana as a Schedule III as opposed to a Schedule I controlled substance. That is a move that has President Biden's support.

01:19:31 Speaker_03
And this would not totally decriminalize marijuana. That would require complete descheduling. But it would place it alongside drugs like Tylenol with codeine.

01:19:40 Speaker_03
So things that can be, I think, lawfully purchased subject to limitations and robust regulation. It would also have lots of tax implications.

01:19:48 Speaker_03
There also was toward the end of 2023, President Biden pardoned thousands of individuals convicted of simple possession of marijuana. So it does seem like There have been many meaningful steps toward drug reform happening outside of courts.

01:20:01 Speaker_03
Now, that's just the federal government. Obviously, as you mentioned earlier, we have seen total decriminalization in a number of states. You know, so those efforts have not been framed in constitutional terms. They haven't happened in courts.

01:20:12 Speaker_03
So I guess, why should we focus attention or sort of what is the advantage of focusing attention both on courts and maybe more broadly on the Constitution as actually, you know, sources and sites of potential real reform around our current drug policy?

01:20:27 Speaker_02
I can't help but just say on the rescheduling of marijuana, which looks like it's going to happen in the coming months from schedule 1 to 3, that's actually going to do very little for access to marijuana because although schedule 3 substances,

01:20:42 Speaker_02
can sometimes be prescribed by a physician. So you might think we're getting medical marijuana. The drug in question has to also be FDA approved.

01:20:51 Speaker_03
So it's on the path, right?

01:20:52 Speaker_02
But it's never going to get FDA approved, actually, most people think. Really? Yeah, because the FDA requires a certain... You have to isolate the relevant ingredient or chemical compound within the drug and then subject it to

01:21:08 Speaker_02
um, kind of randomized control trials and, you know, what's considered best practice for clinical testing and medical marijuana.

01:21:15 Speaker_02
Um, I, I'm not a scientist, but what, from what I understand from the literature, people say that the way it works is all these different cannabinoids in, in the marijuana plant interact, create whatever benefits it affords.

01:21:29 Speaker_02
Um, and you can't just isolate, you know, Delta nine or a particular, compound and test that and think you're getting the effect. So this is sometimes called the entourage effect of how medical marijuana works.

01:21:42 Speaker_02
These chemicals work together, and the FDA process is just not suited to that kind of a drug. So if that's right, and that was a a real layperson's version of the theory, then it's never gonna get FDA approved. It's not even teed up for FDA approval.

01:21:57 Speaker_02
So I support what President Biden is doing here and moving toward a less criminal approach, but just to say that you would really need to de-schedule marijuana to get the full benefits.

01:22:08 Speaker_02
But your bigger question, Kate, is what do we need con law at all here if there is some real reform happening outside of the courts, outside of the Constitution, Maybe that's the way to go.

01:22:21 Speaker_02
And I do think it's basically the way to go, but I also think constitutional law still has a role to play. And I'll just name a few roles that I think constitutional law could play constructively.

01:22:30 Speaker_02
One is the history of drug policy in this country is, as I see it, is one of episodic racialized moral panics around a given drug. Crack cocaine in the 1980s, we're now getting one around

01:22:47 Speaker_02
opioids, I think a panic of a different sort with a different racial valence. It was heroin before that. And then you get very draconian drug policies that follow.

01:22:58 Speaker_02
But in between these periods of panic, there are moments of relative calm when liberalizing reforms are possible. And I think one thing constitutional law can do well is entrench policy gains against rollback.

01:23:13 Speaker_02
So one role common law could play is to help take off the table the most extreme punitive policies in periods where liberal reform is possible. I know that's abstract, but in general, I think that's right.

01:23:25 Speaker_02
And then second, I'll just say, common law can still be useful outside of the federal courts. In the state courts, it's actually where we've seen the most interesting and exciting drug rulings historically.

01:23:37 Speaker_02
They're open to different interpretive methodologies than the federal courts. For example, they tend to be much more open to balancing the costs and benefits of policies in the federal courts like the courts of the rest of the world do.

01:23:49 Speaker_02
So I think you could target your attacks at the state level where most drug prosecutions happen. And then outside the courts altogether, you can pitch your constitutional arguments to regulators and legislators, as you're suggesting.

01:24:00 Speaker_02
And whenever you think of the proper role for courts in society, I think it's outrageous that the executive branch doesn't take into account at all when it does drug scheduling.

01:24:13 Speaker_02
the constitutional values at stake, whether it's liberty, privacy, racial equality, criminal punishment, nor does it take into account the benefits that people think they get from drugs, not just the medical ones, but whatever else.

01:24:26 Speaker_02
And it's a weird zone of administrative law and practice where the government only looks at costs and not at benefits.

01:24:32 Speaker_02
And of course, the cost-benefit analysis is gonna get wildly lopsided, and that result's gonna look reasonable to punish things when you just exclude all the benefits people think they get.

01:24:41 Speaker_02
Nor does the government look at the costs of criminal prohibitions and how they themselves are criminogenic. They create crime, and they themselves create more dangerous drug behaviors. So in all kinds of ways, I think

01:24:53 Speaker_02
constitutional arguments and other sorts of arguments could be woven into the way we do drug regulation, not necessarily in the courts, but would be just a much more sensible outcomes.

01:25:02 Speaker_08
So Dave, you have just said a mouthful, and it's a perfect way to end because, again, the book is so rich with so much history.

01:25:10 Speaker_08
And then all of these really interesting arguments about what the future of drug policy and the war on drugs might look like. So thank you so much for joining us today. And the book, listeners, once again, is The Constitution of the War on Drugs.

01:25:25 Speaker_08
And it is sweeping and robust and free. All you need to do is fire up

01:25:31 Speaker_08
SSRN, which, for those of you who are unfamiliar, is the Social Science Research Network, or just put the title into Google search, and it can be yours totally gratis today, and you'll get an amazing education on a history that has been hiding in plain sight.

01:25:46 Speaker_08
So thank you, Dave Posen, for coming to talk with us today.

01:25:49 Speaker_02
Thank you, Melissa and Kate. I really appreciate it.

01:25:52 Speaker_04
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01:26:03 Speaker_04
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01:26:40 Speaker_03
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01:26:49 Speaker_03
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01:27:00 Speaker_03
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01:27:28 Speaker_04
Up First achieves the rare one-two punches of being short and thorough, national and international, fact-based and personable.

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Every morning, Up First takes the three biggest stories of the day and explains why they matter, and they do it all in less than 15 minutes. So you can start your day a little more in the know than when you went to sleep.

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Listen to the Up First podcast from NPR.